Is the difference real, or only apparent? I'm not sure yet. This is another question to keep in mind as we go, to see if it is answered later. I admit that when I hear that the way to the One involves using all our power of longing and desire but simply channeling it, the first thing I think of is William Blake's remark in The Marriage of Heaven and Hell that "at the end of six thousand years …. the whole creation will be consumed and appear infinite and holy, whereas it now appears finite & corrupt. This will come to pass by an improvement of sensual enjoyment." [plate 14] But I'm probably wrong: at any rate I make no claims here that Blake and Plotinus are saying anything like the same thing.
Between the Porch and the Garden - or - What is living and what is dead in ancient philosophy.
Monday, December 28, 2020
Return to the One (sections 1-2)
Is the difference real, or only apparent? I'm not sure yet. This is another question to keep in mind as we go, to see if it is answered later. I admit that when I hear that the way to the One involves using all our power of longing and desire but simply channeling it, the first thing I think of is William Blake's remark in The Marriage of Heaven and Hell that "at the end of six thousand years …. the whole creation will be consumed and appear infinite and holy, whereas it now appears finite & corrupt. This will come to pass by an improvement of sensual enjoyment." [plate 14] But I'm probably wrong: at any rate I make no claims here that Blake and Plotinus are saying anything like the same thing.
Sunday, December 27, 2020
What's wrong with following your passion?
Sunday, December 20, 2020
Return to the One (Introduction)
Some months ago, I bought a book that has been sitting around waiting for me to read it. (To be clear, this happens a lot.) In the meantime, though, I've picked it up and browsed at random through it any number of times. (This, too, is pretty common.) And I've thought, "What if I actually read the thing from start to finish? You know, the way it's meant to be read."
The book is called Return to the One: Plotinus's Guide to God-Realization, and it's by Brian Hines. In the Introduction, he says that the right approach to Plotinus's teaching is to probe it, criticize it, and ask questions. Plotinus taught a very distilled form of Platonism; so as the conceit of this blog is that ancient philosophy is still meaningful today, looking into Plotinus's thought would seem to be a natural thing to do. And isn't the medium of a blog post just tailor-made for criticizing or asking questions? For thinking through topics when you're not sure how they will turn out? Maybe if I plan to post something here once a week or so it will keep me on track. We'll see.
I explained back in the inaugural post of this blog that at the time I saw great value in classical thought as well as some areas that I simply disagreed with. That's still true today. To make it clear where I am starting from, let me quote one summary paragraph (and just a bit more) from Hines's introduction:
During the third century, in Plotinus's lifetime, Neoplatonism and Christianity competed for the hearts and minds of those in the Mediterranean world.... Indeed, the spiritual message of one of these combatants can be summarized in this fashion: There is only one God, who is all love; every human being has an immortal soul, whose highest destiny is to be united with God; if we live virtuous lives, we will join our heavenly Father after death, but if we do not, justice will be done; we must humbly yield to the divine will, accepting with equanimity whatever life brings us; to be attracted to the sensual pleasures of this world is to be distanced from God, the Good we seek but never find in material pursuits. And then there is the Christian conception of spirituality, which I won't bother to summarize, as it should already be familiar to the reader. [Hines, p. xvi]
Fine, let me take this radically abbreviated summary of Neoplatonism and suggest where I stand today with respect to each of its points. Naturally by the time I get to the end of the book I might have changed my mind on some of these opinions.
- There is only one God, who is all love. Of course it depends on how you define the word "god." Under one definition this claim is perfectly reasonable. But the word has also been used to describe other phenomena as well, that don't fit so neatly into this view. It will probably take me at least one whole post on its own to explain what I have in mind.
- Every human being has an immortal soul, whose highest destiny is to be united with God. If I look at this through the metaphysical lenses that I normally use, it's hard to agree. What is this soul made out of? Matter or energy? How do we detect it? Also, anything made out of either matter or energy cannot be immortal, based on what we understand of physics. On the other hand the anecdotal sources attesting to ghosts or other communications with the dead are many and they come from all over the globe. So this point deserves some thought before I dismiss it.
- If we live virtuous lives, we will join our heavenly Father after death. This belief relies on what came before, about the immortal soul. If that fails, this does too.
- But if we do not [live virtuous lives], justice will be done. This, on the other hand, looks perfectly obvious to me. If I lead a corrupt and vicious life, my punishment is to be the kind of person that my actions make me. And living a life as that kind of person is unpleasant. Such a life is not worth living. So the justice is immediate and, I would argue, inescapable: cause and effect, no more.
- We must humbly yield to the divine will, accepting with equanimity whatever life brings us. Yes, equanimity is a good thing. And kicking against Reality -- refusing to accept that what is, is -- that's just a waste of time and effort. And it makes you needlessly miserable. I'm completely onboard with this point.
- To be attracted to the sensual pleasures of this world is to be distanced from God, the Good we seek but never find in material pursuits. Not so sure about this one. Are we really supposed to think that wine and music and love are worthless distractions? That's a hard argument to make, and I will be interested to see how Plotinus makes it. I have already started to discuss this point before, for example here and here.
Saturday, November 14, 2020
Philodemy
I started wondering today about a phenomenon that I'm pretty sure is a real thing but I don't know if it has a name. My questions to you are therefore first, Is this a real thing? and second, Does it have a name?
By Margaret Brundage - Scanned cover of pulp magazine, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=8091452 |
I'm sure there are plenty of other examples that I'm just too lazy to think of right now. And I think the phenomenon is also related (a little more distantly) to the way that Europeans, for example, fetishized their colonial subjects; or the way that Americans in the 20th century were sold an image of Mexico as (in the words of Tom Lehrer, who was of course satirizing this very attitude) "that Magic and Romantic Land South of the Border."
The New Yorker agrees we are violent
More confirmation of my basic thesis that we Americans are a fundamentally violent people. This time it's an article in the New Yorker.
I'm not really glad that everyone seems to agree with me. I mean, … this is the kind of topic where it would be nice to be wrong. (Sigh.)
Sunday, September 13, 2020
Donald Trump agrees we are violent
This evening, President Trump is holding a campaign rally in Henderson, Nevada, during which he remarked casually that he agrees. Oh, not with my essay in particular: he's never heard of me. But with the basic thesis.
With the thesis that there is something fundamentally violent in the American character.
You can see it here.
Trump Twitter Video
Sunday, August 16, 2020
The developed world? Where's that?
But wait. Why do we say that the United States is the richest country in the world? We have the world's highest GDP, of course. But we are also a big country, so by itself that doesn't make us rich. Do we have the highest GDP per capita? No, it turns out that's Luxembourg, or perhaps Monaco or Liechtenstein (depending on who does the calculation). Fine, but those are all small countries, so the qualification "per capita" means dividing by a very small denominator. What about comparing to countries that most Americans can find on a map? Without digressing too far into the question of how geographically literate Americans might be, our GDP per capita still falls below that of Norway, though we run a bit ahead of Australia.
But surely these numbers are meaningless. The United States is a huge country, and nobody pretends that the wealth is evenly distributed. Any number that relies on calculating a median income is going to distort the reality in important ways.
So yesterday I decided to see whether there are any available results that describe the level of economic development inside the United States at a county-by-county level. I decided to use the Human Development Index (HDI) as a metric (see the link for an explanation of the formula), and started googling for economic and demographic data. I didn't find exactly what I wanted, so I made some estimations (in respect to some of the inputs) that may skew the final numbers by a bit. But the results were still interesting.
The Human Development Index ranges (in principle) between 0 and 1. Based on global data in 2018, countries with ah HDI < 0.400 include Somalia, Niger, and the Central African Republic. Scores between 0.500 and 0.549 include countries like Sudan, New Guinea, and Syria. Scores between 0.700 and 0.749 include Bolivia, Venezuela, Libya, and Mongolia. All American counties scored higher than these. But not all of them were a lot higher: the lowest-scoring American county came in with an HDI (by my calculation) of 0.7803. And the overall breakdown was something like this:
- HDI between 0.750 and 0.799: 11 counties. Comparable nations include Sri Lanka, Albania, and Serbia.
- HDI between 0.800 and 0.849: 597 counties. Comparable nations include Malaysia, Oman, and Qatar.
- HDI between 0.850 and 0.899: 1811 counties (more than half!). Comparable nations include Portugal, Cyprus, and Spain.
- HDI of 0.900 or above: 659 counties. Comparable nations include Slovenia, USA (!), and Norway.
Sunday, June 28, 2020
Formalizing the argument about Strauss's Paradox
Well over time I continued to discuss the topic with friends, and a few weeks ago I rewrote the argument. I am trying to say the exact same thing I said before, but my goal is to say it in a more formal and exact way. Let me know what you think. What follows is lightly adapted from an email I sent my friends at the beginning of this month.
__________
Example: One of the outputs of the respiratory system is oxygen transferred as an input to the circulatory system which then outputs the same oxygen to individual cells which use it in combustion whose output is energy. One of the outputs of the digestive system is glucose transferred in the same way as an input into the circulatory system for use as a fuel in the previously-mentioned combustion at the cellular level. Then the energy produced by the combustion at the cellular level is used to run all the other activities of the body, and so on.
Example: When a gazelle uses its high speed to escape from a leopard, that is an "evolutionary" usage of the feature of high speed. On the other hand if two gazelles were simply playing "Tag" with no predators in sight, that would be an adventitious use of the feature of high speed. (I have no idea whether gazelles play "Tag" in real life.)
Example: Gazelles are fast in order to escape from predators. Cats have curved claws and strong pouncing muscles in order to catch mice.
Will we see lasting change?
Probably not.
Of course I have no idea for sure, and it's always possible. After the catastrophe of the Great Depression, the New Deal laid the groundwork for a period of middle-class prosperity that wasn't dismantled for another fifty years. In political terms, that's significant change. Not that Franklin Roosevelt did it all by himself. The tooling up of our industrial plant for the Second World War, and Eisenhower's building of the interstate highway system all helped. The fact that ours was the only major industrial plant in the world that had not been bombed into rubble helped as well, because it meant for a while that the whole world was a market for our goods. So yes, events helped. But so did strong unionization and a government regulatory apparatus that was suspicious of economic centralization. So did a 90% marginal income tax rate. It all helped, and yes, that counts as lasting change.
Lyndon Johnson's civil rights legislation also ushered in a kind of lasting change -- at least for a while. The Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act did make a difference in how we played the game of citizenship.
Lasting change of another kind was ushered in by the "movement conservatives," who initiated a long-term rightward shift in the American political spectrum: starting with men like Barry Goldwater, achieving national power with Ronald Reagan, and proceeding straight through Newt Gingrich to our own time. This rightward shift has been so pronounced that from a modern perspective, even a dogged anti-Communist like Richard Nixon -- who founded the Environmental Protection Agency, integrated public schools across the country, and imposed centralized wage-price controls to combat inflation -- comes across looking like a flamboyant socialist.
So what about the unrest in the country today? Why do I say that I don't expect to see lasting change come from it?
Because we've seen it before. The city of Los Angeles burned when the police who brutalized Rodney King were acquitted by a majority-white jury. There have been demonstrations and protests after many other instances of apparent police brutality, especially when there seems to have been a racial motivation. There have been demonstrations and protests after mass shootings. In 2011 the Occupy Wall Street movement took over Zuccotti Park as well as banks, churches, and other local buildings. And all of these movements have accomplished exactly nothing.
Zero. Nada. Bupkes.
There is a reason they accomplished nothing, and it was first identified by Publius (James Madison) in Federalist No.10. He wrote about "faction" which had sooner or later killed every classical democracy or led it to be subverted by tyranny. And his argument was that "faction" would never be a serious problem in America because the country is too damned big! No matter what dramatic events happen here, they will be outweighed by the undramatic inertia of commonplace life everywhere else. Demonstrate and protest all you like: barricade the streets, set fire to cars or buildings, march, sing, wave signs. Knock yourself out. In the grand scheme of things it will barely ripple across the surface, and life will go on.
It is worth noting that, to date, he hasn't been far wrong. Factions ripped us apart during the Civil War, but they were factions that spanned whole regions, so that (nearly) everyone who lived in, say, Georgia or South Carolina belonged to one faction; while (nearly) everyone who lived in Michigan or New York belonged to the other. Splits like that are rare, and the uniqueness of that war in our history proves as much. (Factionalism sure looks strong today too, but all it seems able to do is to prevent Congress from legislating. I think we are unlikely to see anyone fire on another Fort Sumter.)
What about the "lasting changes" that I list above? The New Deal became possible only because so much of the nation's economic infrastructure had collapsed. The War came to us through events outside our control. And all those other changes I list happened through the ordinary course of politicking ... a route that seems largely unavailable these days, since Congress can agree on so little.
The one way that I might be wrong is if the dramatic events of the last couple months drive changes at the state and local levels, and if those changes finally grow heavy enough to shift the center of balance in the country as a whole. It could happen. James Fallows has argued as much, over the last few years.
Maybe I'm prejudging events too rapidly. But it sure looks like we've all seen this movie before and know how it ends.
Sunday, June 7, 2020
"Not ALL White Americans ...!"
I don't, and neither do my friends or family. So there's that. There must be millions of us -- tens of millions -- who are just as decent and civilized as I am ... or, if you prefer other adjectives, as polite and weak and timid and passive. When I talk about our national character, it doesn't literally refer to every single person in the exact same way.
But that also doesn't mean it's false. For my money, the best brief discussion of the concept of national character is found in a couple of chapters at the beginning of Part Two of Milton Mayer's classic, They Thought They Were Free: The Germans 1933-1945. He makes the argument that there is such a thing as national character, even though millions of any nationality won't exhibit it and even though the people who talk most about such things are generally racists or national supremacists of one kind or another. But even if you leave such deplorable people out of consideration, and even when you make allowances for all the exceptions ... there's something. And that something is worth talking about.
So no, not all Americans are violent. Not all men are rapists. Not all whites are racists. And so on. Of course all of those qualifications are always true. We get it. But whites still need to be extra sensitive to racism. Men still need to be extra careful about sexual consent.
And Americans ...? I have no lessons to teach. No curriculum to offer. No 12-step plan that will make us all better human beings. So I don't ask my fellow Americans for anything except awareness and self-knowledge.
My only other advice, I guess, is ... just don't cross us.
I'm sorry.
Wednesday, June 3, 2020
Liberty for me, too bad about you
And so people are starting to grasp at historical analogies, to try to understand where we are, how we got here, and what is coming next. Are we once again in 1968? Or is this 1860? Could it be 1933, with the murder of Mr. Floyd our Reichstag Fire? All of the examples seem outlandish and dangerous; but it also seems like we are living in an outlandish and dangerous time.
Or is it? More precisely, there does appear to be danger aplenty, but is it outlandish? Are we really seeing the unraveling of the social fabric, or is this how it has always been? Certainly in the last few days there have been voices explaining with some exasperation that the only people who find these times outlandish are White Americans, because those who are Black or who otherwise fall outside the White mainstream have lived with the threat of random terror all their lives, whether from state actors or from their fellow citizens.
[As a terminological note: one current way to refer to those outside the White mainstream is BIPOC, which stands for Blacks, Indigenous, and People Of Color. I will use that word in what follows.]
Unsurprisingly, this is not a story that White Americans want to hear, particularly not liberal White Americans who believe themselves always to have had the kindest of motives and who (again, unsurprisingly) don't like being told that they live blind and insulated lives. So the alternative story that one hears fairly often from White liberals is that it is all the fault of Donald Trump. If only Hillary Clinton had won the Electoral College in the same way that she won the popular vote in the election of 2016, life would be roses. But this story is false in at least two important ways.
First, much of today's agitation is around race, and it is simply not credible to assert that Mr. Trump personally turned tens of millions of people into racists. If anything, this story has the causality exactly backwards. It is impossible to argue that Mr. Trump has used his Presidency to cause ordinary Americans to adopt this or that set of opinions. Rather, it should be obvious that the whole reason he is President in the first place is that large swathes of the electorate already had whatever opinions they had, and as a result of their opinions they decided they liked him better than his opponent.
Second, there remains the pernicious half-truth that Mr. Trump is a minority President. I call this a "half-truth" because the numbers are there to support it if you look no closer; but the impression they give is misleading. More exactly, it is true that the total number of votes cast for Mr. Trump was about three million fewer than were cast for Mrs. Clinton. But consider for a moment an alternative map of the United States which contains every inch that it contains today with only two places dropped out: the City of New York and the County of Los Angeles. In that alternative country, Mr. Trump won a popular majority. Add up all the other great Democratic strongholds you like: San Francisco, Seattle, Boston, Chicago. They are not enough. Mr. Trump's support across the country was wide enough and deep enough to outvote them all. So when you stop to ask yourself what the election of 2016 tells us about ourselves as a people, there are really only two alternatives. Either the "average American" is a New Yorker or an Angeleno and none of the rest of the wide, full country counts for anything; or Mr. Trump is ours. We elected him, we earned him, and we deserve him. My money is on the second alternative.
So who are we as a people? I'm inclined to think the radical BIPOC voices have it right, or almost. They make the discussion about race and I'm going to make it about ideals (in the next few paragraphs, at any rate) but we end up in much the same place. The history of America is a history of violent self-assertion. Taken together as a nation, we are one of the most violent -- and hands-down the most self-assertive -- on the planet.
I have hinted at this argument before, but let me approach the question a couple of different ways. Here's a personal story. A couple of years ago I was working on a project with a colleague from Germany. She travelled all over the world for work, and had been to the United States many times before. Anyway, in the course of the conversation one evening over dinner I used the term "American exceptionalism," and she asked me "What does that mean?" And I was kind of stumped. How do you explain American exceptionalism? I mean ... I know what it is. I assume every American more or less knows what it is. It is the assumption ... no, not an assumption, the knowledge deep in your bones that America is different from the rest of the world. Different and better. And the rules that apply to the rest of the world don't apply to us. We all know what this attitude means. And I will wager that at some level most Americans believe it too, even if they would never admit it in public. (Most? Let's say more than half.) Only ... how was I supposed to explain this to my colleague, an intelligent professional woman who has visited and worked in more countries than I can even name? How was I supposed to explain it and not sound like a five-year-old? I don't remember what I said. But you all know what I am talking about.
Or let's look at first principles. What is the most important American ideal, the one we consider our gift to the world? I pull a quarter out of my pocket, and right there underneath George Washington's chin it says "LIBERTY." But what is liberty? Liberty means I get to do what I want. Oh sure, there are scholars who will tell you it means more than that. John Stuart Mill wrote what may be his most famous work (On Liberty) to argue that it means granting equal liberty to all, subject only to the restriction that none of us impinge on the liberty of anyone else. It sounds great. But only scholars would actually believe such a thing.
Because stop and think: as long as I get to do what I want, what incentive do I have to think about you? Why should I really care? And let's say that in the course of things it becomes necessary for someone to stop me from doing something I want for the very good reason that my actions interfere with you. Am I going to stop, evaluate the whole thing dispassionately, and realize that of course you are right? Am I going to apologize for my thoughtlessness? Or will I see only that I was trying to do something and somebody stopped me, and therefore that horrible person is interfering with my liberty? Won't I just insist that the American ideal of liberty means I should be allowed to go ahead with whatever god-awful plans I have in mind, regardless of the cost to you? Once in a while, of course, you may be able to get through to me. Once in a while I might not be completely self-centered about the whole encounter. But over the long haul, which way do you want to wager your money?
This forgetting-about-other-people is fundamental and all too easy. How else could the American Founders so easily accept slavery? Not all of them did, of course. But four of the first five Presidents, and nine of the first twelve, were slaveholders. Samuel Johnson commented on this obvious incongruence (not to say hypocrisy) between the ideals of the Revolution and the daily lives of the primary revolutionaries when he wrote, in 1775, "How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?" And of course Washington, Jefferson, Madison and the rest were smart men. Intellectually they knew it was a problem. But pragmatically, on a day-to-day level, it was much easier not to think about it. To forget about others so they could get on with what they were doing.
Or look at the Revolution itself. We all know that it was sparked by a rebellion against taxes, and there was something about tea. But that was in Boston. Out on the frontier (which at that point ran through the Appalachian Mountains) the big problem was land. The British Crown had signed treaties with various Indian nations, promising to stay out of all the lands across the frontier. The Indian nations were there first, it was their land, and the British recognized as much. But this put the Crown in direct conflict with her own subjects, the colonists who lived on the frontier and saw all that beautiful land just waiting for them. They wanted to take the land for themselves and cultivate it. So when the British Crown tried to stop them, that just meant that the King's government was ... wait for it ... interfering with their liberty. And in that case the King had to go. So they raised the banner of revolution in order to stop the government from interfering as they stole somebody else's land in defiance of a written treaty. Liberty for me -- too bad about you. (You can find a summary of this history in this book review here or in the book itself, Alan Taylor's American Revolutions: A Continental History, 1750–1804.)
Do I have to go on? In 1812 and 1813, Joel Roberts Poinsett was meddling in the relations between Chile and Peru; having been sent by President James Madison to look after American commercial interests, he accepted a commission in the Chilean army and captured the Bay of Conception from Peru. What difference did it make if he was fighting and commanding troops under the flag of a foreign power, so long as the end result was more favorable to American commercial interests? So long as we got what we wanted?
A decade later, in 1823, President James Monroe first articulated what was later known as the Monroe Doctrine, a principle which stated -- at a time when we had a tiny army and almost no navy -- that the entire Western Hemisphere (half the globe, in principle) was now our sphere of influence and other Great Powers (meaning Europe) should stay out of it. Breathtaking arrogance, comical in fact. And that's how the European powers took it for several years. In 1861, the French installed an emperor in Mexico, which shows how seriously they took the whole thing. (Also in 1861 we were rather preoccupied with our own troubles.) But the point is that we took it seriously. And when our army and navy began to grow in strength and reach, towards the end of the nineteenth century, we took it as our natural right to settle border disputes between other powers in this hemisphere, or even to make and unmake governments as we chose. After all, we had already explained this to everyone beforehand.
And after all, this is why the rest of the world thinks we are so insufferably arrogant: because it never occurs to us not to tell other countries what to do. Because we "bestride the narrow world like a Colossus" and send our troops where we will to make or break other nations. Because it is totally natural for us to do this, and to lecture other countries about their internal affairs even when we seem to have a pretty poor grip on our own. When George Floyd was murdered and our most recent riots started, don't think the rest of the world failed to notice. (See, for example, here or here.)
Well, but that's all about foreign policy. Every country does things abroad because they have to, in the interests of political realism. But how about at home? Aren't we Americans basically Nice Guys?
Sure. Everybody abroad understands that we can be tremendously nice (Florence King once called us the Labrador puppies of the world) ... as long as you don't cross us. But get us mad -- I'm still talking about private life here -- and suddenly you find out how many guns we own. Other people have written about this topic, more extensively and more eloquently than I can. So I won't try to improve on what anyone else has said. But let me reference two articles by James Fallows, written five years apart, each time after a mass-shooting captured all the country's headlines. He wrote the first one in 2012 and the second one in 2017. In both articles he makes a simple point: we choose to be a country where mass shootings are possible. We know this about ourselves, and we know that we will never do anything to change it. What's more, everybody in the world knows it about us too. This, more than anything else, is what the rest of the world cannot understand about us.
It's who we are.
Violent self-assertion.
This essay of mine that you have just been reading -- is it un-American? That's impossible. I'm an American, so this essay represents by definition an American opinion. The accusation of un-Americanism comes from a fear that after I write all these things about us, I'm going to wind up by saying that by contrast life is all roses somewhere else: in Cloud-Cuckoo Land, or on the Moon. But I'm not going to say that. I assume there are troubles everywhere. I assume that everyone has faults, and that every nationality has elements of their national character that make them shake their heads in dismay when they think about it.
It just so happens that this one is ours. Violent self-assertion is our special badge among the nations of the world. And of course if we can succeed in asserting ourselves without violence, that's just swell. We don't insist on the violence, as long as we get our way. That's where the praise of American individualism comes from, the praise of Emersonian self-reliance and Yankee ingenuity. They are all great things, and they allow us to make names for ourselves in all kinds of ways. Cue the lights, cue the flags, cue the stirring music and balloons.
Just don't cross us.
So yes, the radical BIPOC voices more or less have it right. This is who we are.
Tuesday, May 12, 2020
Morals from Nature: What about homosexuality?
I think the objections of this first friend, at least at a philosophical level, relied on some kind of argument that homosexual acts are intrinsically non-procreative and therefore somehow "wrong by nature." (I emphasize the words "at a philosophical level" because he also tended to wander of the subject and start growling about new laws around bathroom usage. But I didn't find anything of philosophical substance in that part.) But then the other friend broke in asking, "Why don't you think of homosexuality as something like a cleft palate, where Nature clearly intended one outcome but Her hand slipped when She made this one individual so he turned out not to match the design? Then you could say it's too bad and all, but there's no moral problem."
I think my second friend was trying to be a liberalizing influence here, but still I cringed a little at the image. To be clear, I don't have a horse in this race -- not personally -- but I do think it's valuable to understand the truth, and I don't think either of my friends has gotten there yet.
As far as non-procreative sex is concerned, I dealt with that in my previous post here. In the terms of that discussion, any sex that sparks love or brings people together is fulfilling at least one of its natural ends, whatever else we might say. But I can imagine that my second friend might answer back something like this:
"You know, Hosea, I have no problem with the fact that a homosexual couple won't beget new children. But my comparison of homosexuality with a cleft palate gets at another question entirely. I'm asking, 'Why does anybody want to do this in the first place?' It's clear to me why we (or most of us) are born with an attraction for the other sex: without it the species would never survive. But why do 3% of the population have an attraction for the same sex? At a biological or chemical level, how does that even happen? That's what I meant by saying that Nature was trying to reproduce the same pattern She uses for everyone else and somehow slipped."
Suppose he were to ask that. (In real life we haven't had this particular conversation.) What's the answer?
The first part of the answer is that it is misleading to use the words "at a biological or chemical level." As I argued way back in 2012, homosexuality is not a thing. There is no genetic marker for it. The only ways to find out whether someone is gay is to ask or watch; a blood test won't tell you.
The immediate objection to that position is that it makes homosexuality sound like a mere preference, like between chocolate and vanilla, or between pistachio and mint chocolate chip. And in that case, why is the incidence so small? Wouldn't we expect to see more of a bell curve, where a few die-hards are found out at each end who love chocolate and loathe vanilla (or the reverse) while most people are somewhere in the middle?
Indeed we would. And if we conducted our survey in -- oh, let's say Athens in the 4th century BCE -- that's more or less what we would find. Look at the discussion in the Symposium, which covers attraction to both girls and boys and in which the highest teaching comes from a woman (Diotima) ... but where some (not all) of the participants are frank about preferring boys. But in our own society there have historically been such a strong opposition to homosexual behavior and such a pervasive assumption of heterosexuality that you would expect anyone in the middle to settle for living a conventional heterosexual life without ever thinking about it. You would expect that the only ones ever to make an issue of it would be the die-hards out at one end who love pistachio and loathe mint chocolate chip.
That would be our 3%.
So much for the statistical distribution. As for the moral side, I really think it is all covered, in principle at least, in the earlier post.
Monday, May 11, 2020
Morals from Nature: What about sex?
There have been a number of answers to this question over the years. The Catholic Church has articulated a theology of sexuality which is probably familiar in outline to most people: sex is good inside marriage when it is for the sake of begetting children; but sex outside of marriage, or sex acts where children are impossible (think of contraception, masturbation, or many other examples), are "intrinsically disordered" and wrong. What is interesting is that a number of authors who believe they are writing science find themselves in a similar boat for a similar reason: these are the authors who look at sex through the lens of sociobiology or "evolutionary psychology". They seem to have a lot to say about sexual jealousy, differential investments in childrearing, and so on, but to have some trouble accounting for non-procreative sexual activity. And of course the argument would be that non-procreative sexual activity doesn't leave children behind (obviously!) and therefore can hardly be selected-for in any normal Darwinian sense.
What interests me about both these positions is that on the surface they look so logical, but in their consequences they look totally at odds with the way human beings really live -- around the globe and over the ages. What's more, it is easy to think you have found the flaw in the argument and then go astray in another direction.
Both the Catholic and the "evolutionary psychological" positions rest on the premise that the purpose of sex is reproduction. From that, all the rest follows. If you want to reject those conclusions, the easiest way is to reject teleology and say "There are no purposes! Go do what you want!" But you know by now that I consider teleology to be a basic fact about living beings, so that too is an error.
What then?
If an argument leads to results which look absurd, but all the steps of the argument are logical, the error is probably in its premises. As noted, the premise behind both the Catholic and the "evolutionary psychological" teachings is this: Reproduction is the purpose of sex. But where is the error? If we concede that there are purposes in Nature, how can this premise possibly be false? Isn't that how we get children, through sex? Isn't it the only possible way to create new children?
Of course it is. And while I do affirm there is an error in that sentence, it's subtle. Only one word is wrong, and that word is not "reproduction." Its "the."
The point is that this premise ("Reproduction is the purpose of sex") itself relies on an earlier, hidden premise which states, "A thing can have only one purpose." But where is the evidence for that? How would you ever go about proving it? Can you prove it?
Presumably the argument would start by conceding that a thing can be used in lots of different ways, but would insist that only one of them is the true natural end or goal or purpose. A car can be used to get money (by selling it) or to impress your neighbor (by polishing it ostentatiously and parking it where he has to see it); but its natural purpose is to drive. And as far as it goes, the analogy sounds plausible. Does it work the same way in Nature? You could argue that I can use the hair on top of my head to make a political or fashion statement depending on how I wear it, but its natural purpose is to keep my head warm. Maybe the rest of Nature is like that too.
Only it's not. I can formally disprove the allegation that everything has only one purpose, as follows:
Lemma: It is possible for a thing to have more than one natural purpose.
Proof: For the sake of an example, consider the penis. What is its natural function: elimination of waste, or reproduction of the species? Both are essential to survival. Neither one can possibly be considered an incidental, side use. Neither one can be considered an abuse. Both purposes are absolutely fundamental. But they are different. Therefore it is possible for a thing to have more than one natural purpose. QED.
And with this proof, both the Catholic and the "evolutionary psychological" teachings collapse. Because while it is obvious that reproduction is a purpose of sex, there is no evidence whatever that it is the only one.
What else then? What other purpose can we reasonably suppose sex to have? Recall that I recently argued that the highest end for Man is friendship. And recall the argument I made ... gosh, almost three years ago, by now ... that the purpose of the orgasm is to make love -- to create or generate love even where it did not exist before (and therefore a fortiori to strengthen it where it does). Based on these two arguments, I think it is inescapable that one essential, natural purpose for sex is to bind us together, to help us love each other, to unite us as friends and lovers.
Naturally there are other ways to make friends too. Don't misunderstand me to say sex is the only path to friendship! But it can be one of them.
But if the purpose -- oops, excuse me, one of the purposes -- of sex is friendship and human bonding, then what should the morality of sex look like? Suddenly there is nothing wrong with all the different varieties of non-procreative sex (including contraception, masturbation, and all the others), as long as they are serving the purposes of love and bringing people together. On the other hand, rape is pretty obviously still bad because it takes something that should be a means towards unity and makes it a violent weapon instead.
I don't have a complete teaching to offer about the other consequences of this new understanding. This is new ground, and I am still thinking it through. But I expect the changes to be real, and -- what is more important -- closer in line with our lived human experience than the earlier teachings were.